Renata Rabichev
ABSTRACT The lives of women in biblical society are
often vague -- the codes according to which they live are
unclear. Cultural anthropology offers the potential to shed
light on the everyday existence of biblical women. This
article aims to demonstrate how modern Mediterranean cultural
concepts of shame and honour can lend insight into the
behaviour of the Old Testament women: what they strove for and
what they wished to avoid.
INTRODUCTIONWhen dealing with ancient texts in
general and biblical texts in particular, the modern reader
has to bridge the vast cultural/historical gap between
him/herself and the text. Since the interpretation of biblical
words often comes from our societal systems, `what one says
and what one means to say can often be quite different,
especially for persons not sharing the same societal systems'
(Malina 1981:2; see also Fewell 1987; Franklin 1978:79; Patte
1976:6--7). There are a number of ways of tackling this
problem. One is to place the text in its sociohistorical
context (Archer 1986; Camp 1986). Another useful approach is
to examine the cultural anthropology of the Mediterranean, a
region generally considered by scholars a consistent unity,
which would produce similar cultural patterns (Boissevain
1979:83; Gilmore 1982:178; Malina & Neyrey 1991b:71). This
would help us `in analysis of more remote societies' (Davis
1977:1) by reading the Old Testament and New Testament texts
in their cultural context (Malina 1981:2). Our aim in this
article is to analyse some prominent cultural Mediterranean
values, and apply them to selected texts of the Old Testament,
relating them to women. We hope to show that such an approach
can help understand the behaviour of women in the Bible in its
proper cultural context.
CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY OF THE
MEDITERRANEANAnthropology is the study of humanity,
concerned with `all facets of human life and culture ... deals
with questions of human origins, social organization, customs'
(Wilson 1984:17). Cultural anthropology is concerned with the
development of various cultures and the ways of life of
contemporary men (Herskovitz 1963:3--4). Cultural anthropology
of the Mediterranean has received much scholarly attention
(Pitt-Rivers 1977; Davis 1977; Campbell 1964; Boissevain 1974,
1979; Gilmore 1982, 1990). These scholars examine various
Mediterranean societies (Cypriot villages, Egyptian bedouins,
Lebanese peasants), paying particular attention to their
societal norms, noting aspects such as strong urban
orientation, social, sexual and economic stratification,
family solidarity and reliance on the kingship unit. It would
be logical to assume that such common norms would give rise to
consistent societal values. Indeed, on investigation scholars
discovered that some of the most prominent value systems of
the Mediterranean culture are honour and shame (Muenchow
1989:599; Schneider 1971:17; Gilmore 1982:179). Consequently,
these concepts are used by `cultural anthropologists for
understanding the Mediterranean personality in traditional
society today' (Domeris 1993:283).
HONOUR AND SHAME IN THE MEDITERRANEANHonour in the
Mediterranean society is the way a person sees himself and the
way a society regards him. `It is his estimation of his own
worth, his claim to pride' (Pitt-Rivers 1977:1; see also
Malina & Neyrey 1991a:25). Du Boulay (1976:405) states
that honour is a sense which `has reality if the rest of the
community grants it that reality'. `To honour a person is to
acknowledge publicly that his or her actions conform with
social oughts' (Malina 1981:28). It is thus a state of how we
see ourselves and how others see us. The same applies to the
concept of shame. It is our view of ourselves as well as the
value with which the society labels us.
While certain virtues such as honesty, integrity, loyalty
and other moral qualities are common to both sexes
(Pitt-Rivers 1977:22), the concept of honour and shame has
largely to do with a person's gender and consequently his or
her position in society and the household (Malina & Neyrey
1991a:41). `The honour of a man and of a woman ... imply quite
different modes of conduct' (Pitt-Rivers 1977:20).
`Male' honour and shameIn the Mediterranean culture a
man's honour depends on his authority over his household, his
position as a husband and a father, his strength in public
dealings, his daringness and boldness. A man of honour should
possess integrity, nobility of spirit, he must be competent
with regard to various problems and dangers, and know how to
solve them (Campbell 1964:213, 269--270). He is associated
with esteem, refusal to submit to humiliation, dignity and
personal virtue (Baroja 1965:82--84; Pitt-Rivers 1977:22, 40;
Gilmore 1990:44--47). Since `[t]he male members ... stand
collective guard over the honour of their women' (Wolf
1969:288), an honourable man should be able to defend the
honour of his family's female members, `his wife and daughters
should be chaste' (Davis 1977:92; cf Malina & Neyrey
1991a:42--43; Pitt-Rivers 1977:22; Peristiany 1976:2; Press
1979:117). Should the wife commit adultery, she demonstrates
that the husband has failed in his duty to protect her honour.
Finally, the man's honour is associated with virility (Press
1979:117). As a husband, he should not be impotent and is
expected to satisfy his wife sexually (Davis 1977:98). Thus, a
man's honour involves personal, economic and sexual honour. As
Gilmore (1990:43) summarises, `Honour is about being good at
being a man.' A man of honour is one who acts `as husband,
father, lover, provider, warrior' (Gilmore 1990:17).
A man may lose his honour when he fails in some or all the
factors on which his honour depends. Thus, if a man shows
weakness of character, cowardice (for example running away
from a battle), shyness and is unable to provide for his
family because of his laziness (Gilmore 1990:43), his status
of honour is questionable (cf Pitt-Rivers 1977:6, 21).
Acceptance of humiliation, failure to defend his own
reputation and those of others would also result in his loss
of honour (1977:22). In this case his wife is expected to
commit adultery, with wealthier, more honourable men, since it
implies that she has to look elsewhere for what she cannot
find at home. This causes a double dishonour to the husband.
Not only can the husband not provide for his family, but the
wife also disobeys him by committing adultery. She thus shows
his failure in providing for and protecting her (Davis
1977:92--93).
Men who lose their honour are considered outside the moral
pale, are addressed by their nicknames, and are treated with
open disdain (Pitt-Rivers 1977:19). These are men of shame.
`Female' honour and shameA woman's honour is judged
by her sense of sexual shame. Although this is not so with
men, the term `shame' is used in two different ways when
applied to women. First, `shame' can refer to the woman's
`sensitivity about what others think' about her (Malina &
Neyrey 1991a:41), her `knowledge of proper moral behaviour'
(Press 1979:117). So, while for men shame is equivalent to a
loss of honour, or negative experience, for women it is a
positive value. Second, it can refer to her dishonour, in
which case the term equates to her being shameless. In this
study we will confine ourselves to the former usage of the
term.
A woman's honour, in the first place, has to do with sexual
purity. If unmarried, her honour and that of her family
depends on her virginity (Schneider 1971:21, see also Campbell
1964:199, 27). Thus `the virginity of a family's unmarried
women is a highly valued attribute' (Giovannini 1981:411). It
`constitutes an important personal attribute' (1981:412). To
preserve her purity `restrictions are placed on the freedom of
movement of women' (Rosenfeld 1976:122). In every way the
behaviour of an unmarried girl must reflect upon her sexual
honour. She must behave in a modest way, hiding facial
expressions and thoughts which might reveal traces of her
sexuality, thus endangering her honour (Campbell 1964:288).
When a woman reaches a marriageable age, her honour depends
primarily on her being married (Campbell 1964:150),
particularly at a young age. Early marriage will protect her
sexual chastity by preventing her from succumbing to various
sexual temptations (Pitt-Rivers 1977:165). If she does not
marry young, she `will discover the strong (sexual)
transactional strand in the relationships that men seek to
establish with her' (Boissevain 1974:68). An unmarried woman
is regarded as a threat to men. Her reputation may be doubtful
if she does not have a male protector who would keep her
within `honourable' bounds. In such cases her chances of
marriage are poor (Pitt-Rivers 1977:26--27).
Being married, however, is not enough. Other attributes are
important for a woman to be regarded as a woman of honour.
First, the woman should be fertile. Motherhood is the `most
important vocation in life' (Giovannini 1981:414), and bearing
children, nurturing and protecting them are essential for the
woman of honour. She needs to `bear sons who make the family
economically and politically viable' (Schneider 1971:18).
Second, she should sustain the private domain (Wolf 1969:288)
and nurture her family (Giovannini 1981:414). `Her activities
centre around the hut where she cooks, spins, weaves and cares
for her children' (Campbell 1964:150--151). She should be `a
competent houseworker, and a protective mother' (Press
1979:117). She should therefore be a `financial administrator
with the key to the family chest' (Malina & Neyrey
1991a:43). Third, the woman's honour depends on her obediency
and respect towards her husband (Press 1979:117; Pitt-Rivers
1977:43; cf Malina & Neyrey 1991a:43). Campbell (1964:180)
summarises the position of the woman of honour in the
household. `The activity of female roles is essentially
confined to the house and they require passive co-operation,
and self-disciplined attitudes.' Such obedience is expressed
in various domestic matters, but most importantly in her
sexuality (Campbell 1964:152).
The honourable woman's sexual behaviour is under the
complete control of her husband (Campbell 1964:199), and
involves restraint, timidity, passivity and chastity (Davis
1977:98; Campbell 1964:152; Schneider 1971:21). She exhibits
`chaste and modest behaviour at all times' (Giovannini
1981:409), conforming `to a strict code of modest behaviour
and movement' (Campbell 1964:311). She is `expected to stay at
home ... shielded from contact with males of other households'
(Pitt-Rivers 1977:118). Her behaviour should be one of
`instinctive revulsion from sexual activity, an attempt in
dress, movement, and attitudes' (Campbell 1964:270). Thus,
while unmarried women must be virgins, the married ones must
be virginal in thought and mentality (Campbell 1964:170).
A woman loses her honour and becomes shameless, a woman of
light virtue, when she does not act in accordance with those
deeds which sustain her honour. For example, if the woman does
not sustain her family properly, is `lax in her housewifely
duty' (Press 1979:130), fails in her duties as a mother, or
neglects her household, she is at a risk of losing her honour.
Furthermore, she becomes dishonourable if she disobeys her
husband. Finally, a woman who is sexually aggressive is
regarded as shameless and immoral. Such a woman loses her
shame, because her actions are similar to those of a man.
While man's sexual promiscuity does not hurt the family
honour, this is not the case with female promiscuity
(Pitt-Rivers 1977:79). She 'not only disgraces herself but
also forfeits the honour or social reputation of her nuclear
family' (Giovannini 1981:420). While the whole family can be
dishonoured as a result of the behaviour of the promiscuous
woman, the dishonour particularly falls on the `male members
who, ideally, should protect the family patrimony' (Giovannini
1981:421). By adopting male behaviour, she ceases to be an
honourable woman (Pitt-Rivers 1977:44--45). She becomes `a
woman without restraint, whose behaviour is compounded by the
reflexes of her animal instincts' (Campbell 1964:270).
The worst deed which a woman can do is to commit adultery.
As already mentioned, a woman's dishonour signifies the
failure of her husband to protect her honour, causing him also
to lose his honour and to be shamed. By committing adultery,
the woman strips her husband of his honour, `attacks the moral
integrity and honour of the family and makes a laughing stock
of its leader and head' (Campbell 1964:152). Furthermore, when
a woman commits adultery, she dishonours her entire family,
she becomes soiled and `she marks with her dishonour all those
who are close to her' (Campbell 1964:271).
Our discussion has shown that the Mediterranean society has
rules of conduct `rewarding those who conform and punishing
those who disobey. Honour and shame are social evaluations and
thus participate in the nature of social sanctions ... They
are the reflection of the social personality in the mirror of
social ideals' (Peristiany 1965b:9). Honour acts as `a
sanction for all those elements that are relevant to the
prestige of a family, or an individual' (Campbell 1967:310).
Man's honour is characterised by his activities in the public
domain, his ability to provide for and protect his family.
Females who possess a sense of shame (have honour) are
associated with their domestic virtues, sexual loyalty and
restraint. A man's honour is judged by that of the woman, thus
`[t]he woman must have shame if the manliness of the men is
not to be dishonoured' (Campbell 1964:271; Press 1979:129).
We will now apply these modern Mediterranean codes of
honour and shame to the ancient Mediterranean world,
particularly that of the Old Testament. We hope to show that
the Mediterranean values of honour and shame can help us to
understand the behaviour of men and women in the Old
Testament.
APPLICATION OF THE MEDITERRANEAN ANTHROPOLOGY TO BIBLICAL
SOCIETYMuenchow (1989:602) argues that although each
culture has its own individual attributes, there is `a basic
transcultural uniformity with regard to honour and shame'.
These uniformities result in the observation of `similar
traits' of these values `across cultural boundaries'. This is
the reason that the Mediterranean picture of honour and shame
`holds real promise as a model against which to analyze
aspects of Mediterranean society in antiquity as well'.
This discussion aims to demonstrate that the Mediterranean
concepts of honour and shame can offer a viable explanation
for the depiction of biblical personalities. While some
scholars utilise the values of honour and shame in order to
explain some New and Old Testament passages (see Muenchow
1989; Malina 1981), as far as it can be ascertained only a few
have applied them to the behaviour of biblical men, and
particularly women. Such an analysis may lead us to a
tentative conclusion that modern Mediterranean cultural values
can be traced to the ancient Mediterranean society.
Honour and shame in the Old Testament societyIn his
discussion on the Mediterranean values of honour and shame
Muenchow (1989:603) states: `Several considerations lead one
to suspect that a similar model would also contribute to our
historical understanding of the Old Testament.' Indeed, `the
Old Testament has a very rich tradition with regard to the
concepts of honour and shame' (Domeris 1993:285). The Hebrew
term for honour, qavod, carries the primary meaning of being
heavy, weighty (Brown, Driver & Briggs, 1951:457), and the
implied meaning of reputation (Domeris 1993:285). It is
generally associated with greatness, dignity, splendour and
esteem, as created by the actions of the individual, or his or
her family (Interpreter's dictionary of the Bible, vol 2,
1962:639; cf Brown, Driver & Briggs 1951:458). Shame (in
Hebrew busha) carries the primary meaning of falling into
disgrace `as a result of some defeat, such as in battle or at
the hands of one's enemies' as in Micah 1:11 (Domeris
1993:285). A secondary meaning is to be shamed as a result of
immoral behaviour, as in 1 Samuel 20:30. Goodhue (1984:61)
writes: `Throughout the Old Testament we are warned that the
failure which we should most worry about is the failure to do
justice (as examples Nah 5:9, Hab 2:6--19).' In this case
shame `becomes a judgment on one's character'. To be shamed
means to lose virtue, esteem, prestige, courage; to be
subjected to humiliation. Genesis 49:6 associates shame with
violence and brutality. Job 8:22 mentions it in connection
with hatred. Hosea 2:7 and Jeremiah 2:26 talk about shame in
connection with stealing. Proverbs 10:5 associates it with
laziness, and 14:35 with folly.
Bechtel (1991:75--76) notes that honour and shame are
attributes of an individual, but can also be reflected in the
entire family (Dt 22:13). `In a shame/honour society,
preserving the basic dignity of an individual was essential
because the individual reflected the dignity and status of the
group.'
Similarly to the Mediterranean culture, the Old Testament
values of honour and shame have sexual significance in which
there is a firm division between male and female elements.
`Male' honour and shameAccording to Malina
(1981:37--43), various biblical passages supply us with
information about the attributes of an honourable man. As in
modern Mediterranean culture, male honour in the Old Testament
is associated with manliness, courage, authority over family,
willingness to defend one's reputation and refusal to submit
to humiliation. These qualities imply that a man has to have
the ability to protect his family, defend its reputation and
prevent any kind of humiliation or embarrassment (see 2 Sm
10:1--5). The honour of a man is directly related to the
sexual purity of the female members of his family: his mother,
wife, daughters and sisters (Malina 1981:43--44).
Such a man would be in the centre of the public domain,
exhibiting authority and power. Thus, 2 Chronicles 32:21,
Ezekiel 32:30, Psalms 69:19 and 2 Kings 19:26 associate shame
with defeat and failure. People were often shamed by being
forced to strip naked publically (Is 20:1--5, 47:23).
Dishonour is also associated with `murder, adultery,
kidnapping, total social degradation' (Malina 1981:40). Piper
(1960:159) adds that the adulterer `was considered a kind of a
murderer who robbed the husband of his manhood by usurping the
place the husband alone has the right to occupy with his
wife'.
`Female' honour and shameThe woman's code of honour,
or lack of it, was primarily connected to the private domain,
her family. The wife's honour depended on four main factors.
First, a woman had to be married, since her honour was in
danger if she had no male protector to defend it. Camp
(1985:79) states that in biblical society an unmarried status
was an exception. It is probably because of this that we read
in Judges 11:37 about the daughter of Jephthah, who went to
the mountains to bewail her virginity', to grieve because she
was going to die unmarried and childless (Legrand 1977:179).
Second, the woman's honour depended on her role as a wife
within her household (Ochshorn 1981:193). This role was one of
nurturing and maintaining the family. The wife was responsible
for the welfare of the household, performing various domestic
duties, spinning, cooking, sewing and generally providing for
her husband and family (Gn 24:11, 13--16, 19--20; 27:9; 29:6;
Ex 2:16; 2 Sm 13:8; 2 Ki 4:8--10). Such activities gave women
advantages which allowed them to exercise an informal
influence and control over the private domain. She was thus
the centre of the private domain. Third, her honour was
associated with her ability to reproduce. Like the modern
Mediterranean culture, biblical society placed great emphasis
on the woman's function as a mother. Probably because children
have, and always will play an important role in any society,
motherhood was encouraged (Gn 30:23). Last, her honour was
connected with sexual chastity (Gn 3:7; 2 Sm 13:2). The woman
who possessed sexual shame exercised modesty and
self-restraint. It was this sexual shame that her father or
husband had to protect. Such sexual shame applied to married
and unmarried women. In the case of an unmarried woman, the
importance of sexual chastity in her code of honour and that
of her family can be seen in the story of the rape of Dinah.
In Genesis 34:2 we are told that Shechem, the son of Hamor,
saw Dinah, `took her and lay with her and defiled her'. In the
depiction of the rape, Dinah is described in terms of her
family, `the daughter of ... the sister of ... his daughter'
(34:3, 5, 7, 13, 19, 27, 31). This shows that Dinah is an
unmarried girl who enjoyed the protection of her honour by her
brothers and father. Such a description of Dinah `prepares the
reader for the punishment of the crime' (Caspi 1985:30).
Malina (1981:106) states that such violation shows that
woman's shame is embedded in the honour of males. The story of
the rape of Dinah acts as evidence that rape, and consequently
the loss of female chastity, is a violation of her honour
which requires some kind of revenge. The story of the rape of
Dinah thus transmits the cultural values of the society from
which the text was produced. Phrases such as `wrought folly'
(34:7) and `vile' (34:12, 24, 26) indicate that rape was
culturally unacceptable, because the honour of the whole
society was involved. This can clearly be seen in the
`contemptuous attitude towards the perpetrator of the rape and
condones the act itself. Finally, vengeance is exacted against
the perpetrator' (Caspi 1985:25).
Similarly, the story of Amnon and Tamar shows that damaging
the sexual purity of a girl means that she is left unclean
`Where could I carry may shame?' cries Tamar in 2 Samuel
12:13. It also means that another man would not want to marry
her, `so Tamar remained a desolute woman' (2 Sm 12:20).
Deuteronomy 24:1--4 also demonstrates that a woman becomes
unclean as a result of improper sexual conduct (Zakarovitch
1981:31).
Sexual chastity was also important for married women. Since
her primary position was within the family, a woman moved from
one family to another with her marriage. `Not only in
patriarchal times but throughout the Old Testament history,
the father exercised primary responsibility for the female
members of the family ... until that responsibility was
transferred to the husband' (Pictorial encyclopedia of the
Bible, vol 5, 1975:951). Bird (1983:260) states that when
married, a woman's sexuality became the domain of her husband
(Gn 2:24; Dt 24:5); her sexual nature merged with him (Piper
1960:122; cf Frymer-Kensky 1989:91--92). Indeed, women are
often referred to by the name of their husbands, as `wife of',
for example Lot's wife, the wife of Noah (Ben-Meir 1993:29;
Camp 1985:79). Bird (1983:271) argues that the best example of
a wife who conforms to these criteria can be seen in the
depiction of Abigail, wife of Nabal and later of David. 1
Samuel 25:2--42 portrays her as `intelligent, beautiful,
discreet, and loyal to her husband ... prudent, quick-witted,
and resourceful ... always acting on her husband's behalf. The
good wife does not attempt to rule her husband, nor does she
openly oppose him. She defers to him in speech and action,
obeys his wish at his command, and puts his welfare first.'
Thus, the biblical woman, like her modern Mediterranean
counterpart maintains her honour by being a good wife and
mother, and by preserving her sexuality for her husband only.
As in modern Mediterranean societies, the biblical woman
loses her honour and becomes shameless when she enters into
the public domain, especially with regard to her sexuality. By
doing so she behaves in an immodest way. Such an instance is
clearly illustrated in Deuteronomy 25:11--12, which talks
about a woman grabbing a man's genitals in a fight. A woman's
shameful behaviour is also associated with promiscuity and
adultery. This is seen in a very bad light, whether the woman
in question is married or single. Sexual intercourse with an
unmarried woman was frowned upon (Ex 22:16--17), since it cast
dishonour on the entire family. Phillips (1981:22) notes that
in such a case the father of the woman is entitled to
compensation, which is `paid to recompense him for the loss of
the bride price which follows her seduction he would not now
normally get'.
Sexual intercourse between a married woman and a man other
than her husband was seen in an even worse light. Exodus 2:14
and Deuteronomy 5:18 show that it was forbidden, while
Leviticus 18:20, 20:20 and Deuteronomy 22:22--14 demonstrate
that it was punishable by death (cf Frymer-Kensky 1989).
Epstein (1967:194) states that adultery was considered
violation and an affront to the husband. According to Bird
(1983:260), it was a violation of a husband's right over the
sexuality of his wife, `an attack upon his authority in the
family and consequently upon the solidarity and integrity of
the family itself', threatening its authority, order and
stability. It `robbed the husband of his essential honour,
while the unfaithful wife defied his authority, offering to
another man that which belonged only to him -- and that which
constituted her primary responsibility towards him' (Bird
1983:261).
Thus, in Genesis 29:7--12 we read about Potiphar's wife,
who attempted to seduce Joseph. Here, the dishonour of
Potiphar's wife was associated with two main aspects. First,
she attempts to commit adultery. As we have already mentioned,
this act casts such dishonour on the husband that the wife
could be divorced, and the husband could demand the death
penalty for her crime (Dt 22:22; Phillips 1981). Second, the
woman's adultery involves deceit. This is a further act of
dishonour, as can be seen in the case of Delilah, who with the
help of her sexual powers undermines Samson. Thus, Williams
(1982:113) notes that the dishonour of the seductress is often
associated with lying, `the medium of her seductive wiles is
deceitful and distorted language'.
Similarly, prostitution (sexual intercourse between an
unmarried woman and men) was not encouraged. A variety of
passages associate prostitutes with dishonour and disgrace (Lv
19:29; Dt 22:21; Gn 34:31; 1 Ki 22:38; Is:21; Ezk 16:30). Bird
(1983:272) concludes that a prostitute `was in every period a
figure of disrepute and shame'.
Pederson (1940:231ff) summarises the qualities of the
honourable and the shameless women in ancient Israel,
The honour of a woman is to bear a man's name
through marriage (Is 4:1). And her honour as a wife she
maintains by multiplying and continuing the name of her
husband through posterity. As a mother the woman is
honoured; childlessness is a shame which can hardly survive.
Only when Rachel gives birth to a son, is she able to say:
God has taken away my shame (Gen 30:23) ... To bear a man's
name and to increase it is the honour of the woman. The
dishonoured virgin is bowed down with shame, because she has
been taken by the man without his giving her a name. And the
faithless wife degrades herself and sins against her own
soul, because she has given it to her husband and takes her
name from him, while at the same time giving herself to
another, whose name she does not bear (cf Hosea
2:27).
CONCLUSIONOur study has attempted to shed light on
some aspects of the behaviour of biblical women. We have done
this by looking at the cultural values of modern Mediterranean
society and applying them to the society of the Old Testament.
We have shown that the behaviour of both the modern
Mediterranean and the ancient biblical women is dominated by
the cultural values of honour and shame. These values have
shown a persistent appearance in both societies.
These women's honour depends on their performing their
wifely and motherly duties properly, and on their sexual
loyalty to their husbands. Their shame is the result of
failing in these duties. The biblical concepts of honour and
shame were thus carried through without much change to modern
societies.
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Renata Rabichev Department of Old
Testament University of South Africa PO Box
392 Pretoria
0001
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